Vegas Odds of Trump Winning

by Jack

From early in the race Vegas has 2/1 odds on Hillary and Trump at 13/8, but the most telling that the fix was in, was old Bernie was a long shot at 80 to 1!   Late last year Trump’s odd were about 12 to 1.  When the debates first started in 2015 Trump was as low as 100 to 1!  Well, those odds were way off, were’nt they?

Vegas odds makers are rarely wrong, but so far they really blew it betting against Trump.  As his fellow GOP candidates fell by the wayside, Trump cost them a lot of money in upset after upset.

Now here’s a sure fire bet, the odds that I would like a Hillary Presidency:  Zero.

 

 

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5 Responses to Vegas Odds of Trump Winning

  1. J. Soden says:

    Chances of $hrilLIARy actually telling the truth – Zero
    Chances of the media presstitutes doing same – Also Zero
    Chances of the Demwits embracing our embattled law enforcement – Zero
    Chances of the IRS or DOJ doing their jobs and prosecuting Demwits – Zero

  2. Dewtser says:

    Hillary would not Beat Trump if voting was today. The DNC disenfranchised the largest voting block America has seen in years! Consisted of Dems Reps and Indies, not to mention new voters. Th Media is lying about this 90% unity. The real story is on Indie Media Streams. 1st amendment rights do not exist at the DNC convention. it is a corporate coup based on trade deal passage ran by republicans lobbyists and banks. 100% fake

    Make no mistake this election is Fake and massive election fraud will take place if we do not get it blown open. It is Rigged for HRC.

    I say that in all sincerity as we bust open the Clinton machine. They have more power than the Rove cheat machine.

    Now to address some silly comments

    That largest voting block embraced good cops and wanted justice to be brought against cops that break the law.

    That voting Block does not watch mainstream Media and knows it is also rigged. Msnbc for DNC/Trump Fox is just Trump CNN and the rest toggle

    If the IRS did their jobs than absolutely no non profit involved in politics would get a tax free org and any church preaching politics wold be taxed as well

  3. Tina says:

    “…based on trade deal passage ran by republicans lobbyists and banks.”

    What trade deal? Nafta?

    Bill Clinton signed the Nafta Bill in 1993 and considered it one of his greatest achievements. (Republican revolution was in 1994…Dems controlled the House)

    He even made a big speech about it:

    Thank you very much. I’m delighted to see all of you here. I thank Speaker Foley and the Republican leader, Bob Michel, for joining us today. There are so many people to thank, and the Vice President did a marvelous job. I do want to mention, if I might, just three others: Laura Tyson, the Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers; Bob Rubin, head of my national economic team; and one Republican Member of the House that wasn’t mentioned, Congressman David Dreier, who went with me on a rainy day to Louisiana to campaign for NAFTA. … I can’t help but noting, since General Powell is here, that every senior military officer with whom I spoke about NAFTA was perhaps—they were as a group perhaps the most intensely supportive of any group I spoke with. and I think it is because they have in their bones the experience of the world of the last several decades. And they knew we could not afford to turn away from our leadership responsibilities and our constructive involvement in the world. And many of them, of course, still in uniform, were not permitted to say that in public and should not have been. But I think I can say that today I was profoundly personally moved by the remarks that they made.

    I do want to say, also, a special word of thanks to all the citizens who helped us, the business leaders, the labor folks, the environmental people who came out and worked through this-many of them at great criticism, particularly in the environmental movement—and some of the working people who helped it. And a group that was quite pivotal to our success that I want to acknowledge specifically are the small business people, many of whom got themselves organized and came forward and tried to help us. They made a real difference.

    Yes, THAT Robert Rubin:

    Robert Edward Rubin (born August 29, 1938) is an American lawyer, former cabinet member, and retired banking executive. He served as the 70th United States Secretary of the Treasury during the Clinton administration. Before his government service, he spent 26 years at Goldman Sachs, eventually serving as a member of the board and co-chairman from 1990 to 1992; Rubin oversaw the loosening of financial industry underwriting guidelines which had been intact since the 1930s.[1] His most prominent post-government role was as director and senior counselor of Citigroup, where he performed ongoing advisory and representational roles for the firm.[2] From November to December 2007, he served temporarily as chairman of Citigroup[3][4] and resigned from the company on January 9, 2009. He received more than $126 million in cash and stock during his tenure at Citigroup,[5] up through and including Citigroup’s bailout by the U.S. Treasury.

    Salon:

    Evaluating Clinton’s presidency as heroic is no longer a given, however. After the bursting of the dot-com bubble in 2000, the corporate scandals of the Enron period, and the collapse of the real estate racket, our view of the prosperous Nineties has changed quite a bit. Now we remember that it was Bill Clinton’s administration that deregulated derivatives, that deregulated telecom, and that put our country’s only strong banking laws in the grave. He’s the one who rammed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) through Congress

    I don’t agree with all of the conclusions drawn by Salon. I think higher tax rates and regulation have been just as impacting, perhaps more, in job losses, for instance. I also recall posting information during the Bush years that showed NAFTA being beneficial to the US with a lot less trade disparity.

    May 7, 2015, Nomi Prins and TomDispatch at Alternet:

    When Hillary Clinton video-announced her bid for the Oval Office, she claimed she wanted to be a “champion” for the American people. Since then, she has attempted to recast herself as a populist and distance herself from some of the policies of her husband. But Bill Clinton did not become president without sharing the friendships, associations, and ideologies of the elite banking sect, nor will Hillary Clinton. Such relationships run too deep and are too longstanding.

    To grasp the dangers that the Big Six banks (JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup, Bank of America, Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs, and Morgan Stanley) presently pose to the financial stability of our nation and the world, you need to understand their history in Washington, starting with the Clinton years of the 1990s. Alliances established then (not exclusively with Democrats, since bankers are bipartisan by nature) enabled these firms to become as politically powerful as they are today and to exert that power over an unprecedented amount of capital. Rest assured of one thing: their past and present CEOs will prove as critical in backing a Hillary Clinton presidency as they were in enabling her husband’s years in office. …

    … By May 1995, Rubin was impatiently warning Congress that the Glass-Steagall Act could “conceivably impede safety and soundness by limiting revenue diversification.” Banking deregulation was then inching through Congress. As they had during the previous Bush administration, both the House and Senate Banking Committees had approved separate versions of legislation to repeal Glass-Steagall, the 1933 Act passed by the administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt that had separated deposit-taking and lending or “commercial” bank activities from speculative or “investment bank” activities, such as securities creation and trading. Conference negotiations had fallen apart, though, and the effort was stalled.

    By 1996, however, other industries, representing core clients of the banking sector, were already being deregulated. On February 8, 1996, Clinton signed the Telecom Act, which killed many independent and smaller broadcasting companies by opening a national market for “cross-ownership.” The result was mass mergers in that sector advised by banks.

    Deregulation of companies that could transport energy across state lines came next. Before such deregulation, state commissions had regulated companies that owned power plants and transmission lines, which worked together to distribute power. Afterward, these could be divided and effectively traded without uniform regulation or responsibility to regional customers. This would lead to blackouts in California and a slew of energy derivatives, as well as trades at firms such as Enron that used the energy business as a front for fraudulent deals.

    The number of mergers and stock and debt issuances ballooned on the back of all the deregulation that eliminated barriers that had kept companies separated. As industries consolidated, they also ramped up their complex transactions and special purpose vehicles (off-balance-sheet, offshore constructions tailored by the banking community to hide the true nature of their debts and shield their profits from taxes). Bankers kicked into overdrive to generate fees and create related deals. Many of these blew up in the early 2000s in a spate of scandals and bankruptcies, causing an earlier millennium recession.

    Meanwhile, though, bankers plowed ahead with their advisory services, speculative enterprises, and deregulation pursuits. President Clinton and his team would soon provide them an epic gift, all in the name of U.S. global power and competitiveness. Robert Rubin would steer the White House ship to that goal.

    On February 12, 1999, Rubin found a fresh angle to argue on behalf of banking deregulation. He addressed the House Committee on Banking and Financial Services, claiming that, “the problem U.S. financial services firms face abroad is more one of access than lack of competitiveness.”

    He was referring to the European banks’ increasing control of distribution channels into the European institutional and retail client base. Unlike U.S. commercial banks, European banks had no restrictions keeping them from buying and teaming up with U.S. or other securities firms and investment banks to create or distribute their products. He did not appear concerned about the destruction caused by sizeable financial bets throughout Europe. The international competitiveness argument allowed him to focus the committee on what needed to be done domestically in the banking sector to remain competitive.

    Rubin stressed the necessity of HR 665, the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999, or the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, that was officially introduced on February 10, 1999. He said it took “fundamental actions to modernize our financial system by repealing the Glass-Steagall Act prohibitions on banks affiliating with securities firms and repealing the Bank Holding Company Act prohibitions on insurance underwriting.”

    The Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act Marches Forward

    On February 24, 1999, in more testimony before the Senate Banking Committee, Rubin pushed for fewer prohibitions on bank affiliates that wanted to perform the same functions as their larger bank holding company, once the different types of financial firms could legally merge. That minor distinction would enable subsidiaries to place all sorts of bets and house all sorts of junk under the false premise that they had the same capital beneath them as their parent. The idea that a subsidiary’s problems can’t taint or destroy the host, or bank holding company, or create “catastrophic” risk, is a myth perpetuated by bankers and political enablers that continues to this day.

    Rubin had no qualms with mega-consolidations across multiple service lines. His real problems were those of his banker friends, which lay with the financial modernization bill’s “prohibition on the use of subsidiaries by larger banks.” The bankers wanted the right to establish off-book subsidiaries where they could hide risks, and profits, as needed.

    Again, Rubin decided to use the notion of remaining competitive with foreign banks to make his point. This technicality was “unacceptable to the administration,” he said, not least because “foreign banks underwrite and deal in securities through subsidiaries in the United States, and U.S. banks [already] conduct securities and merchant banking activities abroad through so-called Edge subsidiaries.” Rubin got his way. These off-book, risky, and barely regulated subsidiaries would be at the forefront of the 2008 financial crisis.

    On March 1, 1999, Senator Phil Gramm released a final draft of the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999 and scheduled committee consideration for March 4th. A bevy of excited financial titans who were close to Clinton, including Travelers CEO Sandy Weill, Bank of America CEO, Hugh McColl, and American Express CEO Harvey Golub, called for “swift congressional action.”

    The Quintessential Revolving-Door Man

    The stock market continued its meteoric rise in anticipation of a banker-friendly conclusion to the legislation that would deregulate their industry. Rising consumer confidence reflected the nation’s fondness for the markets and lack of empathy with the rest of the world’s economic plight. On March 29, 1999, the Dow Jones Industrial Average closed above 10,000 for the first time. Six weeks later, on May 6th, the Financial Services Modernization Act passed the Senate. It legalized, after the fact, the merger that created the nation’s biggest bank. Citigroup, the marriage of Citibank and Travelers, had been finalized the previous October.

    It was not until that point that one of Glass-Steagall’s main assassins decided to leave Washington. Six days after the bill passed the Senate, on May 12, 1999, Robert Rubin abruptly announced his resignation.

    Most of the troubles we’ve experienced over the last several decades began in the 1990’s under Bill Clinton’s leadership. One thing that contributes to the confusion about what is responsible so we can address it is education.For instance, I just ran across this. It’s a history lesson out of Michigan State University. (Maybe a student wrote it?)

    NAFTA: History

    1992 NAFTA is signed by U.S. President George H.W. Bush, Mexican President Carlos Salinas, and Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. (Bill Clinton is erased)

    NAFTA takes effect. 1994

    1994 At the Miami Summit, the three signatories of NAFTA officially invite Chile to become a contractual party of the agreement.

    Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, U.S. President George W. Bush and Mexican President Vicente Fox agree to establish the North American Energy Working Group (NAEWG) to give regional attention to energy issues and enhance trilateral cooperation. The Group is managed by the three federal Energy secretaries and ministry. 2001

    2008 All tariffs between the three countries are eliminated.

    The problem I have with you, Dewey, and your many conspiratorial theories, is that instead of addressing root problems your focus is assigning guilt. You paint with a broad brush. It’s all just whining and complaining. We can’t prosecute or vote out complaints.

    How would you solve these problems? What needs to be done? (It isn’t free college and high taxes. Being against the TPP is good but isolationism doesn’t work either.)

    It’s time for the “largest voting block to grow up!”

    Fox may not always get a story exactly right but they came about BECAUSE of the lock step journalistic bond the others have had with the Democrat party for decades and they do attempt to do “news” and investigative reporting with more integrity. One Fox correspondant I greatly admire is Catherine Herridge. I defy you to find a story she has spun or twisted. She is strictly, who what when where how.

    I don’t know if Trump can reform everything that needs reforming but I do know Hillary Clinton will continue as Bill did with the bankers and big players on Wall Street and it will continue to decimate the middle class in America.

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